Prishtin\u00eb, 15 maj 2026 09:59<\/p>\n
Shkruan Isuf B.Bajrami: Nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb e nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimit gjeopolitik dhe luft\u00ebs hibride n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Juglindore<\/p>\n
Ky artikull argumenton se koncepti i \u201cbot\u00ebs serbe\u201d (\u201csrpski svet\u201d) funksionon si nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsuese e projeksionit strategjik rus n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, duke krijuar nj\u00eb nivel t\u00eb nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebm t\u00eb ndikimit midis Mosk\u00ebs dhe hap\u00ebsir\u00ebs politike ballkanike. N\u00eb vend t\u00eb nj\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebnieje lineare shtet\u2013shtet, vihet re nj\u00eb arkitektur\u00eb shum\u00eb-shtresore ndikimi, ku Serbia sh\u00ebrben si aktor rajonal, nd\u00ebrsa Federata Ruse si qend\u00ebr ideologjike, normative dhe strategjike.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrmes analiz\u00ebs krahasuese t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi, Kosov\u00ebs dhe Maqedonis\u00eb s\u00eb Veriut, artikulli identifikon mekanizmat e luft\u00ebs hibride t\u00eb vazhduar (persistent hybrid competition) q\u00eb operojn\u00eb p\u00ebrmes elitave politike, institucioneve fetare dhe ekosistemeve mediatike, duke prodhuar nj\u00eb form\u00eb t\u00eb \u201ckonfliktit t\u00eb zgjatur n\u00ebn pragun e luft\u00ebs\u201d.<\/p>\n
1. Hyrje: nga gjeopolitika territoriale n\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebn kognitive<\/p>\n
Transformimi i rendit nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar pas zgjerimit t\u00eb European Union dhe NATO n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Juglindore ka prodhuar nj\u00eb zhvendosje strukturore nga gjeopolitika territoriale klasike drejt gjeopolitik\u00ebs kognitive dhe narrativ\u00eb-based competition.\u00b9<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuad\u00ebr, Federata Ruse operon p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb modeli t\u00eb power projection indirekt, ku ndikimi nuk ushtrohet p\u00ebrmes kontrollit formal territorial, por p\u00ebrmes nd\u00ebrtimit t\u00eb var\u00ebsive politike, identitare dhe informative.\u00b2<\/p>\n
Ballkani Per\u00ebndimor shfaqet si nj\u00eb hap\u00ebsir\u00eb tipike e k\u00ebtij modeli, ku Serbia funksionon si aktor nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebs (regional proxy node) n\u00eb nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb influenc\u00ebs ruse.<\/p>\n
2. Korniza teorike: lufta hibride si sistem, jo si strategji<\/p>\n
Analiza mb\u00ebshtetet n\u00eb tre shtylla teorike t\u00eb nd\u00ebrlidhura:<\/p>\n
S\u00eb pari, lufta hibride si sistem i integruar operacional, ku instrumentet ushtarake, ekonomike, informative dhe psikologjike veprojn\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb simultane.\u00b3<\/p>\n
S\u00eb dyti, koncepti i proxy strategic governance, ku aktor\u00ebt rajonal\u00eb funksionojn\u00eb si shtresa ekzekutive t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqie m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe.\u2074<\/p>\n
S\u00eb treti, siguria ontologjike, e cila shpjegon se si identiteti politik shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb objekt t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrjes strategjike.\u2075<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuad\u00ebr, \u201cbota serbe\u201d nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm narrativ\u00eb ideologjike, por infrastruktur\u00eb politike e p\u00ebrkthimit t\u00eb ndikimit rus n\u00eb kontekst ballkanik.<\/p>\n
3. \u201cBota serbe\u201d si struktur\u00eb diskursive dhe instrumentale<\/p>\n
Koncepti i \u201cbot\u00ebs serbe\u201d (\u201csrpski svet\u201d) duhet kuptuar si nj\u00eb diskurs politik me funksion gjeopolitik, i cili synon t\u00eb krijoj\u00eb hap\u00ebsira transnacionale mbi baza etno-kulturore dhe fetare.<\/p>\n
Sipas European Council on Foreign Relations, ky koncept shfaq homologji strukturore me \u201cRusskiy Mir\u201d, duke funksionuar si mekaniz\u00ebm normativ p\u00ebr zgjerimin e ndikimit p\u00ebrtej kufijve shtet\u00ebror\u00eb.\u2076<\/p>\n
N\u00eb nivel funksional, ai prodhon tre efekte kryesore strategjike:<\/p>\n
* delegjitimim t\u00eb rendit territorial ekzistues n\u00eb Ballkan<\/p>\n
* mbajtje t\u00eb konfliktit t\u00eb ngrir\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb si instrument politik<\/p>\n
* stabilizim t\u00eb tensionit strukturor n\u00eb Bosnje e Hercegovin\u00eb<\/p>\n
* sinkronizim narrativ me diskursin rus anti-liberal\u2077<\/p>\n
4. Elitat politike dhe koherenca strategjike e narrativ\u00ebs<\/p>\n
Aleksandar Vulin p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb figur\u00eb ky\u00e7e n\u00eb operacionalizimin e k\u00ebsaj strukture diskursive.<\/p>\n
Sanksionimi i tij nga United States n\u00eb vitin 2023 duhet interpretuar si indikator i institucionalizuar i shqet\u00ebsimit per\u00ebndimor mbi rrjete t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb strukturuar, jo si mas\u00eb individuale politike.\u2078<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, Vulin funksionon si aktor i prodhimit t\u00eb narrativ\u00ebs strategjike (strategic narrative entrepreneur), duke:<\/p>\n
* normalizuar multipolaritetin si alternativ\u00eb ndaj rendit liberal<\/p>\n
* relativizuar agresionin rus n\u00eb Ukrain\u00eb<\/p>\n
* artikuluar diskurse t\u00eb sovranitetit selektiv dhe anti-intervencioniz\u00ebm per\u00ebndimor\u2079<\/p>\n
5. Mali i Zi: nd\u00ebrhyrja hibride si proces shum\u00eb-dimensional<\/p>\n
Rasti i Malit t\u00eb Zi p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb laborator t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrjes hibride t\u00eb vazhduar, ku nd\u00ebrthuren ekonomia, feja dhe operacionet informative.<\/p>\n
5.1 Ekonomia si var\u00ebsi strukturore<\/p>\n
Kapitali rus ka funksionuar si form\u00eb e penetrimit ekonomik t\u00eb shtetit (state-influenced economic capture), duke krijuar leverage politik n\u00eb sektor\u00eb strategjik\u00eb si turizmi dhe pasurit\u00eb e paluajtshme.\u00b9\u2070<\/p>\n
5.2 Ngjarjet e vitit 2016: logjika e destabilizimit<\/p>\n
Tentativa p\u00ebr grusht shteti n\u00eb 2016 p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb rast t\u00eb operacionit t\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrjes hibride me objektiv t\u00eb drejtp\u00ebrdrejt\u00eb gjeopolitik, q\u00eb synonte:<\/p>\n
* pengimin e integrimit n\u00eb NATO<\/p>\n
* ndryshimin e ekuilibrit politik<\/p>\n
* eliminimin institucional t\u00eb Milo \u0110ukanovi\u0107\u00b9\u00b9<\/p>\n
Raportimet investigative sugjerojn\u00eb p\u00ebrfshirje t\u00eb rrjeteve t\u00eb lidhura me GRU dhe aktor\u00eb rajonal\u00eb.\u00b9\u00b2 NATO StratCom e definon k\u00ebt\u00eb rast si \u201chybrid escalation below the threshold of war\u201d.\u00b9\u00b3<\/p>\n
5.3 Dimensioni fetar si infrastruktur\u00eb politike<\/p>\n
Serbian Orthodox Church ka funksionuar si institucion i mobilizimit politik dhe identitar, duke kaluar kufijt\u00eb e rolit t\u00eb saj tradicional fetar.<\/p>\n
Gjat\u00eb kriz\u00ebs 2019\u20132020, ajo u shnd\u00ebrrua n\u00eb aktor politik de facto, duke ndikuar n\u00eb polarizimin institucional dhe narrativ t\u00eb shtetit malazez.\u00b9\u2074<\/p>\n
6. Kosova: sovranitet i kontestuar dhe konkurrenc\u00eb normative<\/p>\n
Kosova p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb regjim t\u00eb sovranitetit t\u00eb kontestuar (contested sovereignty regime), ku statusi shtet\u00ebror shnd\u00ebrrohet n\u00eb instrument t\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebs gjeopolitike.<\/p>\n
Serbia e p\u00ebrdor k\u00ebt\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtje si mekaniz\u00ebm t\u00eb konsolidimit t\u00eb brendsh\u00ebm politik, nd\u00ebrsa Rusia si instrument t\u00eb delegjitimimit t\u00eb normave t\u00eb rendit liberal nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar.\u00b9\u2075<\/p>\n
Sipas International Crisis Group dhe NATO, veriu i Kosov\u00ebs mbetet zon\u00eb me sovranitet t\u00eb fragmentuar dhe risk t\u00eb lart\u00eb t\u00eb destabilizimit t\u00eb vazhduesh\u00ebm.\u00b9\u2076<\/p>\n
7. Maqedonia e Veriut: integrim i kontestuar dhe luft\u00eb informative<\/p>\n
North Macedonia p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson rast t\u00eb integrimit euro-atlantik t\u00eb shoq\u00ebruar me kund\u00ebr-fushata t\u00eb strukturuara informative.<\/p>\n
Prespa Agreement p\u00ebrb\u00ebn moment t\u00eb rikonfigurimit identitar dhe zhbllokimit institucional n\u00eb raport me NATO.\u00b9\u2077<\/p>\n
Megjithat\u00eb, OCCRP dhe RFE\/RL dokumentojn\u00eb ekzistenc\u00ebn e rrjeteve t\u00eb dezinformimit t\u00eb orientuara kund\u00ebr k\u00ebtij procesi, nd\u00ebrsa EEAS e klasifikon k\u00ebt\u00eb si form\u00eb t\u00eb avancuar t\u00eb Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference (FIMI).\u00b9\u2078<\/p>\n
8. Sinteza: arkitektura shum\u00eb-shtresore e ndikimit<\/p>\n
Analiza krahasuese tregon nj\u00eb struktur\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb hierarkike:<\/p>\n
* Rusia \u2192 arkitekt strategjik dhe normativ<\/p>\n
* Serbia \u2192 nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebs rajonal operacional<\/p>\n
* aktor\u00ebt lokal\u00eb \u2192 ekzekutor\u00eb t\u00eb narrativ\u00ebs dhe ndikimit<\/p>\n
Ky model p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebson nj\u00eb sistem t\u00eb decentralizuar t\u00eb ndikimit, por me koherenc\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb strategjike, karakteristik p\u00ebr format moderne t\u00eb konkurrenc\u00ebs hibride.\u00b9\u2079<\/p>\n
9. P\u00ebrfundim<\/p>\n
\u201cBota serbe\u201d nuk duhet interpretuar si projekt i pavarur ideologjik, por si mekaniz\u00ebm operacional i projektimit t\u00eb ndikimit rus n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, deklaratat dhe pozicionimet e aktor\u00ebve si Aleksandar Vulin nuk p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsojn\u00eb episode retorike, por indikator\u00eb empirik\u00eb t\u00eb funksionimit t\u00eb nj\u00eb arkitekture m\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb t\u00eb luft\u00ebs hibride dhe konkurrenc\u00ebs gjeopolitike n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Juglindore.\u00b2\u2070<\/p>\n
Fusnotat:<\/p>\n
1. Galeotti, Mark. Hybrid War or Gibridnaya Voina? Getting Russia\u2019s Non-Linear Military Challenge Right. NATO Defense College Research Paper No. 105, 2016.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Analizon konceptin e \u201cluft\u00ebs hibride\u201d n\u00eb doktrin\u00ebn ruse, duke e p\u00ebrshkruar si nj\u00eb kombinim t\u00eb koordinuar t\u00eb instrumenteve ushtarake, informative, ekonomike dhe politike. Galeotti argumenton se Rusia nuk operon p\u00ebrmes luft\u00ebs konvencionale lineare, por p\u00ebrmes nj\u00eb modeli \u201cnon-linear conflict\u201d, ku kufiri midis paqes dhe luft\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb i mjegullt dhe operacionalisht i q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n
2. Hoffman, Frank G. \u201cConflict in the 21st Century: The Rise of Hybrid Wars.\u201d Potomac Institute for Policy Studies, 2007.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Formulon baz\u00ebn konceptuale t\u00eb \u201chybrid warfare\u201d si paradigm\u00eb e re e konfliktit bashk\u00ebkohor. Hoffman thekson se aktor\u00ebt shtet\u00ebror\u00eb dhe joshtet\u00ebror\u00eb p\u00ebrdorin nj\u00ebkoh\u00ebsisht mjete konvencionale dhe jokonvencionale p\u00ebr t\u00eb arritur objektiva strategjik\u00eb pa hyr\u00eb n\u00eb luft\u00eb t\u00eb hapur t\u00eb deklaruar.<\/p>\n
3. Renz, Bettina & Smith, Hanna. \u201cRussia and Hybrid Warfare \u2013 Going Beyond the Label.\u201d Aleksanteri Papers, University of Helsinki, 2016.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Kritikojn\u00eb p\u00ebrdorimin e termit \u201cluft\u00eb hibride\u201d si etiket\u00eb e p\u00ebrgjithshme dhe jo gjithmon\u00eb analitikisht e sakt\u00eb. Autor\u00ebt argumentojn\u00eb se \u00ebsht\u00eb e nevojshme t\u00eb analizohet struktura institucionale dhe operacionale e nd\u00ebrhyrjeve ruse, jo vet\u00ebm terminologjia p\u00ebrshkruese e tyre.<\/p>\n
4. Wendt, Alexander. Social Theory of International Politics. Cambridge University Press, 1999.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Ofron baz\u00ebn teorike t\u00eb konstruktivizmit n\u00eb marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtare, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht konceptin e siguris\u00eb ontologjike. Sipas Wendt, identitetet shtet\u00ebrore nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb dh\u00ebna, por t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuara dhe t\u00eb ndjeshme ndaj nd\u00ebrhyrjeve t\u00eb jashtme p\u00ebrmes proceseve normative dhe diskursive.<\/p>\n
5. Laruelle, Marl\u00e8ne. Russian Nationalism: Imaginaries, Doctrines, and Political Battlefields. Routledge, 2018.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Analizon evoluimin e nacionalizmit rus dhe konceptin \u201cRusskiy Mir\u201d si nj\u00eb doktrin\u00eb ideologjike q\u00eb kombinon identitetin kulturor, religjioz dhe politik p\u00ebr t\u00eb justifikuar ndikimin e Rusis\u00eb jasht\u00eb kufijve t\u00eb saj shtet\u00ebror\u00eb.<\/p>\n
6. European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR). \u201cRussia in the Western Balkans: A New Phase of Influence?\u201d Policy Brief, 2022.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Raporti identifikon Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor si nj\u00eb zon\u00eb t\u00eb \u201cstrategic entrenchment\u201d, ku Rusia p\u00ebrdor rrjete politike, mediatike dhe ekonomike p\u00ebr t\u00eb ruajtur ndikim afatgjat\u00eb, ve\u00e7an\u00ebrisht p\u00ebrmes aktor\u00ebve lokal\u00eb si Serbia.<\/p>\n
7. U.S. Department of the Treasury. \u201cTreasury Sanctions Aleksandar Vulin and Related Network.\u201d July 11, 2023.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Dokument zyrtar q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruan arsyet e sanksioneve ndaj Aleksandar Vulinit, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb lidhjet e tij t\u00eb dyshuara me rrjete t\u00eb ndikimit rus, korrupsion transnacional dhe aktivitete q\u00eb minojn\u00eb stabilitetin institucional n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor.<\/p>\n
8. Balkan Insight. \u201cWho is Aleksandar Vulin and Why Was He Sanctioned?\u201d 2023.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Analiz\u00eb investigative q\u00eb shqyrton karrier\u00ebn politike t\u00eb Vulinit, rolin e tij n\u00eb institucionet e siguris\u00eb serbe dhe af\u00ebrsin\u00eb ideologjike dhe politike me narrativat pro-ruse dhe anti-per\u00ebndimore.<\/p>\n
9. Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). Russian Economic Influence in Montenegro. 2019.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Raporti analizon p\u00ebrdorimin e kapitalit rus n\u00eb sektor\u00eb strategjik\u00eb t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi (turiz\u00ebm, energji, pasuri t\u00eb paluajtshme), duke e konceptuar k\u00ebt\u00eb si form\u00eb t\u00eb \u201ceconomic statecraft\u201d q\u00eb krijon var\u00ebsi strukturore dhe leverage politik.<\/p>\n
10. Prokuroria Speciale e Malit t\u00eb Zi. Indictment: 2016 Coup Attempt Case. Podgoric\u00eb, 2017.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Dokument zyrtar gjyq\u00ebsor q\u00eb p\u00ebrshkruan hetimet mbi tentativ\u00ebn e grushtit t\u00eb shtetit n\u00eb vitin 2016, duke identifikuar nj\u00eb skem\u00eb t\u00eb koordinuar p\u00ebr destabilizim institucional dhe pengim t\u00eb integrimit t\u00eb Malit t\u00eb Zi n\u00eb NATO.<\/p>\n
11. The Guardian. \u201cMontenegro Coup Plot and Alleged Russian Involvement.\u201d 2016.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Raport investigativ q\u00eb analizon dimensionin nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar t\u00eb tentativ\u00ebs p\u00ebr grusht shteti, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb dyshime mbi p\u00ebrfshirjen e rrjeteve t\u00eb lidhura me inteligjenc\u00ebn ushtarake ruse GRU dhe aktor\u00eb rajonal\u00eb.<\/p>\n
12. The New York Times. \u201cA Balkan Coup Attempt and Russia\u2019s Shadow.\u201d 2017.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Artikull analitik q\u00eb vendos ngjarjet e Malit t\u00eb Zi n\u00eb kontekst t\u00eb gjeopolitik\u00ebs s\u00eb luft\u00ebs hibride ruse, duke theksuar p\u00ebrdorimin e aktor\u00ebve proxy dhe operacioneve t\u00eb mohueshme (plausible deniability).<\/p>\n
13. NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence (StratCom). Hybrid Threats in the Western Balkans. Riga, 2018.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Raport strategjik q\u00eb vler\u00ebson Ballkanin si zon\u00eb t\u00eb ekspozuar ndaj k\u00ebrc\u00ebnimeve hibride, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb nd\u00ebrhyrje informative, operacione psikologjike dhe destabilizim politik n\u00ebn pragun e luft\u00ebs s\u00eb hapur.<\/p>\n
14. Freedom House. Nations in Transit: Montenegro Report. 2020.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Raporti dokumenton p\u00ebrkeq\u00ebsimin e indikator\u00ebve t\u00eb demokracis\u00eb, polarizimin politik dhe ndikimin e jasht\u00ebm n\u00eb proceset institucionale dhe shoq\u00ebrore n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi.<\/p>\n
15. D\u017eanki\u0107, Jelena. \u201cReligious Identity and Statehood in Montenegro.\u201d Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 2021.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Analizon rolin e identitetit fetar ortodoks n\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimin e shtet\u00ebsis\u00eb malazeze dhe tensionet midis identitetit komb\u00ebtar malazez dhe narrativave pan-serbe.<\/p>\n
16. International Crisis Group. Kosovo-Serbia Relations: Managing the Standoff. 2023.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Raport q\u00eb analizon konfliktin e ngrir\u00eb midis Kosov\u00ebs dhe Serbis\u00eb, duke theksuar rrezikun e eskalimeve t\u00eb papritura dhe rolin e aktor\u00ebve t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm n\u00eb stabilitetin rajonal.<\/p>\n
17. NATO. Security Environment in Kosovo Reports. 2022\u20132024.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Vler\u00ebsime t\u00eb vazhdueshme t\u00eb situat\u00ebs s\u00eb siguris\u00eb n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, me fokus n\u00eb veriun e vendit si zon\u00eb e ndjeshme ndaj tensioneve politike, kriminalitetit t\u00eb organizuar dhe ndikimit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm.<\/p>\n
18. OCCRP (Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project). Russian Influence Operations in North Macedonia. 2017.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Investigim nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar q\u00eb dokumenton rrjete t\u00eb ndikimit rus n\u00eb Maqedonin\u00eb e Veriut, p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb financimin e aktor\u00ebve politik\u00eb dhe organizatave q\u00eb kund\u00ebrshtonin integrimin n\u00eb NATO.<\/p>\n
19. European External Action Service (EEAS). Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference (FIMI) Report. 2023.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Raport zyrtar i Bashkimit Evropian q\u00eb analizon operacionet e dezinformimit dhe nd\u00ebrhyrjes informative n\u00eb Ballkanin Per\u00ebndimor, duke identifikuar rrjete t\u00eb koordinuara t\u00eb ndikimit t\u00eb jasht\u00ebm.<\/p>\n
20. Bechev, Dimitar. Russia\u2019s Strategic Interests in the Balkans. Carnegie Europe, 2023.<\/p>\n
\u2192 Analizon interesat strategjike t\u00eb Rusis\u00eb n\u00eb Ballkan, duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb energjin\u00eb, ndikimin politik, instrumentet hibride dhe p\u00ebrdorimin e aktor\u00ebve lokal\u00eb si Serbia p\u00ebr projeksion indirekt t\u00eb fuqis\u00eb.<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Prishtin\u00eb, 15 maj 2026 09:59 Shkruan Isuf B.Bajrami: Nj\u00eb analiz\u00eb e nd\u00ebrmjet\u00ebsimit gjeopolitik dhe luft\u00ebs hibride n\u00eb Evrop\u00ebn Juglindore Ky artikull argumenton se koncepti i<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":48270,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[58],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-48269","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politike-sq"],"yoast_head":"\n